Others have more interestingly pointed out some weaknesses at Piketty’s
theoretical arguments. For example, Debraj Ray has argued if I understand well
that the inequalty r>g (the rate of capital gains being larger than the rate of
economic growth) does not necessarily imply increasing wealth inequality.
Milanovic has replied to Raj that it certainly does in a world (the world we’re in) where
capitalists are the rich. In the same article Raj makes interesting points
about economic growth and structural change creating non-linearities in the
evolution of inequality, which Milanovic accepts, and which give a richer
perspective on the issue.
Nobody seriously disputes that global wealth inequality is very high and is
in an increasing trajectory. This phenomenon coexists with globalization and
democracy, and it is the combination of the three (high wealth inequality,
globalization and democracy) that must be dealt with. The empirical and
theoretical criticisms of Piketty that we have seen so far do nothing to
contradict the argument that these levels of inequality in a globalized world
are incompatible with a well functioning democracy. And do nothing to
contradict the argument that policy prescripctions must go beyond the
nation-state, in the form of international (initially European, ideally global) progressive
capital taxation. These policies will only prevail if accompanied by institutional changes in a federalist direction. Although the defence of progressive economists such as
Krugman or Milanovic has been very convincing, they do not put enough emphasis
on the transnational, post-sovereignist dimension of the policy response to
inequalities. The debate should go on.
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